Przeglądanie według Temat "antysemityzm"
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Pozycja Między mitycznym antysemityzmem, politycznym pragmatyzmem i sojuszem, którego oficjalnie nie było. Wybrane aspekty współpracy polskich władz wojskowych i żydowskiej prawicy w latach 1938–1944(Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2017) Czop, Edyta; Mroczkowski, KrzysztofW ostatnich latach publikacje naukowe i popularne poruszają coraz więcej zagadnień związanych ze stosunkami polsko-żydowskimi. Nadal jednak pozostają tematy, którym nie poświęca się uwagi. Jednym z nich jest współpraca polskich władz wojskowych z prawicowymi organizacjami żydowskimi – Betarem i Irgun Cwi Leumi (Etzel, Irgun) oraz Żydowskim Związkiem Wojskowym od czasów II RP do 1944 r. Tej tematyce poświęcony jest niniejszy tekst. Porusza on problemy m.in. pomocy wojskowej, organizowanych na terenie Polski szkoleń dla bojowników Irgunu, sprzedaży broni prawicowym syjonistom działającym nielegalnie w Mandacie Palestyny, w którym władzę sprawowała Wielka Brytania związana z Polską sojuszem wojskowym (prawica żydowska zwalczała obecność Brytyjczyków w Palestynie!). Omówiono także działalność Menachema Begina, poruszono problem żydowskich dezercji z armii Andersa i stanowisko w tej sprawie zarówno władz polskich, jak i strony żydowskiej.Pozycja Polacy, Żydzi i antysemityzm w publicystyce Ryszarda Ganszyńca(Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2019) Chrostek, MariuszRyszard Ganszyniec, an outstanding classicist, professor at the Jan Kazimierz University in the years 1920-1939 and, on and off, until 1946, as one of a few academic lecturers, openly opposed the growing wave of antisemitism among Polish students in interwar Lviv. His readings inspired by events at universities - the introduction of the so-called numerus clausus principle and of the bench ghetto in the thirties - were published in the form of two extensive brochures: The case of “numerus clausus” and its fundamental meaning. Academic antisemitism as a symptom of social antisemitism (1925) and Bench Ghetto (1937). The author did not only expose the low motives and methods of Polish nationalists. As a discerning humanist, he spoke on the principles of coexistence of two nations, Poles and Jews, in the new conditions of the resurgent Polish State after 123 years of political dependence. Despite the increasing acts of violence against Jewish youth, inspired mainly by the All-Polish Youth (beatings and even murders in the 1930s), and the passive, quiet consent of the majority of professors, Ganszyniec dealt with the phenomenon of numerus claususus on ethical, religious, economic and sociological levels. He reminded zealous Catholic nationalists of the Jewish origin of Christ. He juxtaposed the industriousness and austerity of Jews with the ineptitude of Poles, particularly visible in trade. He warned that attempts to transform the Polish nation into a politically and ethnically uniform formation would never succeed. He proved that privileging Polish students at universities leads them to laziness and strengthens their demanding attitudes. The bench ghetto, introduced by force during lectures, would begin to isolate Jewish shops, services, houses, and create places of retreat for this nation similar to the German concentration camps already existing at that time. Ganszyniec predicted that the Jews would be followed by communists, socialists, peasant activists and the entire opposition, until finally the single party system would take over, for which the Constitution would be only a “piece of paper”. The scholar saw the bench ghetto as a dangerous element in the nazification of society. One of the greatest weaknesses of Polish chauvinists, as he saw it, was the lack of any arguments for the alleged superiority of the “Polish race”. He easily proved the superiority of Jewish merits over those of Poles in building world cultural heritage. The postulates of the Lviv classicist, which made him many enemies, could not influence the situation at Polish universities on the eve of the Second World War, when two totalitarian systems were tightening around the Republic of Poland: Nazi and Stalinist.Pozycja Stanisława Vincenza filozofia współistnienia w perspektywie powojennych stosunków polsko-żydowskich(Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2017) Czarnik, MirosławThe text considers the possibility of functioning of the philosophy of coexistence supported by Stanisław Vincenz the author of „Na wysokiej połoninie” („On the high meadow”) in the perspective of postwar Polish-Jewish relations. He does that in reference to widely treated historical context (from the 1940s up to the present times) noting that postwar Polish-Jewish relations are of extremely complex character and are realized between selfless friendship, at times even heroism and xenophobia and aggressive antisemitism. The text also mentions the criteria of strangeness/hostility and familiarity functioning between both nations. The conclusion of the text is a well-argumented statement that in the present Polish reality practical realization of Vincenz’s philosophy showing equality and equality of values in mutual interethnic relations is difficult, however, in the future perspective and „long lasting” (understood in accordance with the intention of Ferdinand Braudel) is not impossible and desired indeed.Pozycja Support for Jewish matters. The Humanitarian Society Humanitas B'nei B'rith in Przemyśl in the Second Polish Republic(Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2023-06) Wierzbieniec, WacławPrzemyśl, in 1931 inhabited by 17,326 followers of Judaism accounting for 34% of its total population, was a medium-sized Polish town, where a major role was played by Jewish elites, including lawyers, doctors, entrepreneurs, teachers etc., supporters of the Zionist movement. The Jewish elites of Przemyśl were associated with the Humanitarian Society Humanitas B’nei B’rith founded in 1924, as a part of the larger and highly recognised international organization B’nei B’rith. The Society is noteworthy for a number of reasons. It was one of the most active B'nei B'rith organisations operating in the Second Polish Republic. Joined by and integrating the local Jewish elites, the Society provided a platform for activities of local, regional and, at times, international importance in support for the Jewish community. In Przemyśl the Society was involved in charitable activities, mainly aimed to benefit orphans and the poor, and it conducted a variety of cultural and educational activities. Particularly worthy of notice is the fact that, as an opponent of antisemitism, Humanitas played a very important role within the local Jewish community of Przemyśl.Pozycja Why did the Jewish combatants need Union of Jews Participants of Combat for Polish Independence in the Second Polish Republic?(Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2019) Wierzbieniec, WacławThis article attempts to provide an answer as to why the Jewish combatants founded the Union of Jews Participants of Combat for Polish Independence (Związek Żydów Uczestników Walk o Niepodległość Polski), which operated in the period of 1929–1939. It was the only combatant organization in the Second Polish Republic that represented a national minority. The focus of this article is on the origin of the Union, its aims, goals and activities, as well as its developed organizational structure. Taken into consideration were also the Union’s fundamental activities such as supporting self-help organizations, participating in annual events concerned with Polish history, spreading the knowledge of Jewish combatants’ involvement in the fight for Poland’s independence as well as the Union’s protest against anti-Semitism in the 1930s and the Union’s activities abroad. The Union was needed, because it allowed the Jewish combatants to take an active role in building up the Polish state, which had been erased from the maps for 123 years, influence its activities and at the same time supporting it and helping protect the interests of the whole Jewish community, in Poland and abroad. Members of the Union, the Jewish combatants who fought for Poland’s independence, felt themselves entitled to, as well as morally obliged, protect their interests as well as those of the community they represented. They vied for respect and tolerance for their community and for the equal treatment of all Polish citizens, including Jews.